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One-in-Ten Black People Living in the U.S. Are Immigrants

January 20, 2022

The analysis presented in this report about the foreign-born Black population of the United States combines the latest data available from multiple data sources. It is mainly based on data from the U.S. Census Bureau's 2006-2019 American Community Surveys (ACS) and the following U.S. decennial censuses provided through the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS) from the University of Minnesota: 1980 (5% sample), 1990 (5% sample) and 2000 (5% sample). U.S. Census population projections were used to estimate the size of the single-race Black foreign-born population from 2030 to 2060. For census years 1980 and 1990, "Black immigrants" and "foreign-born Black population" refer to persons born outside the U.S., Puerto Rico or other U.S. territories whose sole self-identified race is Black, regardless of Hispanic origin. Prior to 2000, respondents to Census Bureau surveys and its decennial census could make only one selection in the race question. In 2000 and later, respondents were able to indicate they were of more than once race. The ACS is used to present demographic characteristics for each group.

Latinos See U.S. as Better Than Place of Family’s Ancestry for Opportunity, Raising Kids, Health Care Access

January 20, 2022

Pew Research Center conducted this study to understand the views of Hispanics living in the 50 states and the District of Columbia about life in the United States compared with the origin places of their Hispanic ancestors (including Puerto Rico) on a number of dimensions; and whether Hispanics born in Puerto Rico or another country would choose to come to the U.S. again. For this analysis we surveyed 3,375 U.S. Hispanic adults in March 2021. This includes 1,900 Hispanic adults on Pew Research Center's American Trends Panel (ATP) and 1,475 Hispanic adults on Ipsos' KnowledgePanel. Respondents on both panels are recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses. Recruiting panelists by phone or mail ensures that nearly all U.S. adults have a chance of selection. This gives us confidence that any sample can represent the whole population (see our Methods 101 explainer on random sampling), or in this case the whole U.S. Hispanic population. To further ensure the survey reflects a balanced cross-section of the nation's Hispanic adults, the data is weighted to match the U.S. Hispanic adult population by age, gender, education, nativity, Hispanic origin group and other categories.

Funding for a healthier civil society: Lessons from an OSF program

January 19, 2022

The Economic Justice Program (EJP) of the Open Society Foundations ran from 2018 until the end of December 2021. During this time, and building on the work of its two parent programs (Fiscal Governance and Economic Advancement), EJP developed the Foundations' first-ever strategy dedicated to fighting economic injustice and pioneered approaches to good grantmaking for social change.This brief summarizes early successes and lessons from EJP's pilot Organizational Health Fund, the first such fund at OSF. Our hope in sharing these insights is to equip grantee partners seeking OHF-type support and to inspire funders looking to develop similar practices.

Redistricting: A Mid-Cycle Assessment

January 19, 2022

As mandated by the Constitution, every 10 years congressional seats must be reapportioned and each state must redraw its congressional map. With the 2021–22 redistricting cycle now well underway, slightly more than half the states have completed the process. Already, this cycle appears to be one of the most abuse laden in U.S. history. There are a few notable bright spots, but in many states, racial discrimination and extreme gerrymandering are once again prolific.Predictably, many of this round's biased maps achieve their skew at the expense of communities of color. Over the past decade, communities of color accounted for nearly all of the country's population growth. But in redrawing boundaries, Republican map drawers, especially in the South, haven't just declined to create any new electoral opportunities for these fast-growing communities; in many instances they have dismantled existing districts where communities of color won power or were on the verge of doing so. This brazen attack is unprecedented in scale. In state after state, Republicans are claiming that they are drawing maps on a "race-blind" basis and then defending the resulting racially discriminatory maps on the basis of partisanship, cynically exploiting the loophole left when the Supreme Court declared that federal courts were off-limits to constitutional challenges to partisan gerrymandering. If courts are not willing to carefully probe the intersection of race and politics, the ruse may just succeed.Democrats have tried to counteract Republican gerrymandering with aggressive line drawing of their own, but the playing field is not level. Republicans control the drawing of 187 congressional districts in this redistricting cycle; Democrats just 75. If, in the end, the cycle does not end up a wholesale disaster for Democrats, this will largely be attributable to three factors: the unwinding of gerrymanders in states like Michigan with reformed processes, court-drawn maps in states where the redistricting process has deadlocked, and litigation in states where state courts, unlike their federal counterparts, will hear partisan gerrymandering claims.However, the story of the 2021–22 redistricting cycle isn't yet written in stone. As bad as many of the maps drawn thus far are, Congress could upend gerrymandering and racial discrimination by passing the Freedom to Vote: John R. Lewis Act. If Congress acts quickly enough, it may even be possible to make changes to maps in time for the 2022 midterms. The bill would transform a broken map-drawing process by giving voters powerful new tools to fight both racial and partisan discrimination, including a statutory ban on extreme gerrymandering that would eliminate the loophole states are using to defend racially discriminatory maps. But time is running out. The 2022 primaries soon will be well underway in much of the country, and in short order courts will likely conclude that it is simply too late to make changes to maps for this election cycle.

New York needs pro-immigrant policies to bolster its population and economy

January 19, 2022

New York State has been a major destination for immigrants coming to the U.S. for decades. However, a new analysis of U.S. Census Bureau data finds that the state's immigrant, or foreign-born, population largely stopped growing during the previous decade, with serious implications for its economy. In 2019, just before the pandemic, immigrants in New York State numbered approximately 4.35 million and made up about 22% of the state's population—about the same share of the population as in 2010. Now that number is plateauing, and more immigrants are leaving the state than entering. To grow its population and its economy in the decades ahead, New York must make the state a more attractive destination for immigrants as well as offer more opportunities for immigrants already living there.

The Great Reset: Public Opinion, Populism, and the Pandemic

January 18, 2022

In this report, we provide the first global overview of how the pandemic has changed political attitudes and beliefs. We use data collected by YouGov from 27 countries and 81,857 individuals during the 2020-21 pandemic, together with data compiled by the HUMAN Surveys project from 79 sources and over 8 million individuals since 1958. We find strong evidence that the pandemic has reversed the rise of populism, whether measured using support for populist parties, approval of populist leaders, or agreement with populist attitudes. However, we also find a disturbing erosion of support for core democratic beliefs and principles, including less liberal attitudes with respect to basic civil rights and liberties and weaker preference for democratic government.

Immigration Court Backlog Now Growing Faster Than Ever, Burying Judges in an Avalanche of Cases

January 18, 2022

The U.S. Immigration Court system is currently staring up a mountain of pending cases that at the end of December 2021 reached 1,596,193 — the largest in history. If every person with a pending immigration case were gathered together it would be larger than the population of Philadelphia, the sixth largest city in the United States. Previous administrations — all the way back through at least the George W. Bush administration — have failed when they tried to tackle the seemingly intractable problem of the Immigration Court "backlog."Yet a disturbing new trend has emerged during the Biden administration that demands attention: since the start of the Biden administration, the growth of the backlog has been accelerating at a breakneck pace.

The State of Legal Abortion: States Poised to Ban Abortion If Roe Falls

January 17, 2022

This brief outlines the potential effects of the US Supreme Court's ruling in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization, a case that directly challenges Roe v. Wade. Specifically, if Roe v. Wade is overturned, 28 states would likely take action to prohibit abortion outright. Of those, 12 states already have "trigger bans" in place, which would ban abortion automatically.

Medication Abortion Care

January 17, 2022

For over 20 years, medication abortion care has been a safe and effective U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA)-approved option for ending an early pregnancy. The medication abortion regimen involves two medications: mifepristone and, after, misoprostol. Although proven to be safe and effective, outdated and unnecessary restrictions at the federal level and politically motivated restrictions at the state level have blocked access to care.In December 2021, the FDA lifted the medically unnecessary in-person dispensing requirement for mifepristone–meaning federal restrictions will no longer force people to travel to a hospital, clinic, or medical office to access medication abortion care. However, other outdated restrictions on medication abortion care remain in place at the federal level. Additionally, the onslaught of state-level attacks on abortion care included many targeted efforts to undermine access to medication abortion care.